The House Criminal Justice and Public Safety Committee will hear HB 1706 on Tuesday, January 31, 2012 in the Legislative Office Building (LOB) at 10 AM. HB 1706 will expand New Hampshire's current death penalty law into several new categories, including murders committed in a robbery . Please attend the hearing to show your opposition to this bill.
If you would like to speak, please fill out a pink card and give to the committee chair or secretary. Be prepared to wait to be called. If you submit written testimony, submit copies for all 21 committee members. Please do not read your written testimony. Keep your remarks brief and supply detail in writing.
You may choose to sign in to oppose the bill without testifying. There is a sign-in sheet in the hearing room, asking if you support or oppose the bill. Your signature matters!
Your action is important to the abolition movement!
Although it appears there are enough votes in the committee to pass the bill, if legislators see that there is a significant number of people opposed to expansion, they may rethink their positions.
I suspect most who read this will disagree with what I have to say, but I have to say it, sort of a personal mea culpa.
When the history of this session of the New Hampshire House is written, replete with so many victories for fiscal conservatives like me, I will look back with great sadness and yes, I admit with some sense of real shame at what now seems inevitable, the expansion of the death penalty.
If legislators are really looking for expensive, ineffective government programs to eliminate, they can start with HB 147, the bill to add homicide committed in the course of a “home invasion” to the list of crimes punishable by execution.
A parade of speakers, including Sr. Helen Prejean and local clergy members, relatives of homicide victims, members of the Death Penalty Study Commission, Amnesty International members from Hanover High School, civil libertarians, and the former President of the NH Psychiatric Association drew on theology, psychology, human rights, and fiscal responsibility to clearly outline why the legislation takes the state in the wrong direction.
Margaret Hawthorn told the Senators about the murder of her daughter, Molly Hawthorne-MacDougall, in her own home last year. “Another death would only increase my family's trauma and would not bring Molly back. The bill being discussed today could make a case like hers capital because her murder happened in the contest of a home invasion.”
“Molly would not want anyone killed in her name,” Hawthorne said.
But the minority viewpoint in the room was a loud one; the death penalty expansion bill is sponsored by Speaker of the House William O’Brien, who represents the town of Mont Vernon, where the horrific murder of Kimberly Cates took place and who sees the bill as one of his top priorities. Prior to the hearing, O’Brien worked out amended language preferred by the Attorney General’s office to more clearly time the concept of “home invasion” to the crime of burglary. With that change, the bill will be supported, too, by Gov. John Lynch.
Larry Vogelman, an experienced defense attorney who served on last year’s Death Penalty Study Commission, explained that even though a slim majority of commissioners favored retaining the death penalty on the books, very few favored expansion. He also noted they were in agreement that the death penalty is far more expensive to administer than the likely alternative: treating crimes now covered under the capital murder statute as first degree murder, the penalty for which is a mandatory sentence of life imprisonment. At a time in which millions of dollars of cuts in services are being debated, one might expect a voice for fiscal responsibility to be welcomed. But that won’t happen unless Senators hear a louder outcry from constituents.
Opposition to the bill was organized by the NH Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty, in which the AFSC is active.
Since the early days of my political involvement in the early 1990s, I have been against the death penalty. Our government was created to protect us from foreign aggression, protect us from the criminals amongst us, and to protect and guarantee our liberties. It was not created to exact revenge.
There are two bills in the NH House expanding the death penalty, HB 147 and HB 162. One has to do with the circumstances of the Mont Vernon home invasion and murder while the other extends the death penalty to those who assassinate high political figures. My long-time friend, Speaker of the House Bill O’Brien, is the prime sponsor of HB 147. He lives in Mont Vernon and I can certainly understand his motivation in seeing this bill through.
But for what purpose do we kill others? Is it primarily for revenge? "An eye for an eye" went out with the advent of the New Testament and Sharia Law is not the law of this land. If our government is created to protect our safety, I believe that life in prison without any possibility of parole is sufficient to meet that goal.
But isn’t the death penalty a deterrent? Not according to most inmate observers. "I have never heard a murderer say they thought about the death penalty as consequence of their actions prior to committing their crimes," said Gregory Ruff, a police lieutenant in Kansas.
As a fiscal conservative, I look also at costs. There are many studies which show that it is more expensive to put a criminal to death than to warehouse him for life. Lifetime incarceration certainly satisfies our need to be protected from any of that criminal’s anti-socialism for his lifetime. We don’t need to degrade ourselves or our culture by perpetrating ritual death.
Looking at the issue as a matter of punishment, I believe if I were 20 years old and convicted of the Mont Vernon murders, I would rather be put to death than to look forward to my remaining 50 or more years behind bars, never seeing freedom or having any hope of freedom. That would be a living hell.
U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens said, "I think this country would be much better off if we did not have capital punishment. We cannot ignore the fact that in recent years a disturbing number of inmates on death row have been exonerated." He’s right. If we mistakenly put to death just one innocent individual we have, as a society, committed premeditated murder.
Finally, again as a conservative, I have long advocated for a government that is smaller and less powerful over our lives. What more power can we bestow on government than the power to take the life of a citizen?
**Steven Winter represents the towns of Newbury and Sutton, Merrimack District 3, in the NH House of Representatives. Representative Winter is a member of the House Executive Department & Administration Committee and the Joint Legislative Committee on Administrative Rules (JLCAR)
At a time when many states are repealing death penalty laws because too many innocent people are being sent to death, a New Hampshire House Committee voted last week to expand the state's existing narrow death penalty law to include murders committed during home invasions.
This death penalty expansion was proposed by House Speaker William O'Brien in direct response to the 2009 murder of Kimberly Cates in her Mont Vernon home.
The brutal murder of Cates and the vicious attack on her daughter make us yearn for revenge. We want to punish the monstrous young men who dared commit this atrocity on an innocent mother and child. Somehow we feel that revenge will restore the balance of justice in the world.
But it won't.
As the great Indian leader Mohandas "Mahatma" Gandhi noted: "An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind."
The House Committee has passed this law because it is blind with rage.
We understand the rage but reject the idea that the monstrous behavior of some sociopathic teenagers should cause the state to seek more opportunities to kill in the name of justice.
New Hampshire last put a man to death under death penalty laws in 1939. Since that time, the law has been narrowed to apply almost exclusively to the killing of a law enforcement officer in the line of duty.
While we disagree with the death penalty in any form, we understand that some officers feel the death penalty offers them some protection as they place themselves in harm's way to keep us safe.
Michael Addison is on death row today for the 2006 murder of Manchester police officer Michael Briggs. The existing law didn't protect Briggs as it has not protected many officers who have tragically been killed in the line of duty in states with death penalty laws. That said, it's hard to deny this perceived protection to officers who are putting their lives on the line to keep the public safe.
The New Hampshire Death Penalty Study Commission did an excellent job between October 2009 and December 2010 exploring all aspects of this highly charged issue. It was an excellent commission with representatives from law enforcement, families of murder victims, judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys and mental health advocates. In the end, the commission voted to support the existing law, to continue sentencing to death those who kill law enforcement officers in the line of duty.
Robert "Renny" Cushing, executive director of Murder Victims' Families for Human Rights, served on the study commission. His father was shot to death outside his Hampton home two decades ago. While disappointed with the final vote Cushing expressed respect and gratitude to all commission members.
In a letter dated Dec. 1, 2010, Cushing, who is a member of the Hampton Union editorial board's community advisory board, wrote: "I served on the commission with two other family members of murder victims: Bob Charron, whose son Officer Jeremy Charron was murdered in Epsom in 1997, and Brad Whitney, whose father Eli Whitney was murdered in 2001. Although we ended up disagreeing about the death penalty, their presence on the Commission was important to me. At times when a witness or a member of the Commission would embark on an explanation of legal intricacies or the theories and arcane points about statistical analysis, I would get a sense that somehow the reality of the murder of real people was getting lost in the process. It was good to know I was not the only person in the room who felt in his gut that this was not just a theoretical discussion."
The death penalty is too important an issue to tackle when we are still feeling rage over a horrible crime. Our sense of justice has been dealt a blow by the murder of Kimberly Cates, and we want to strike back. But we should control ourselves and think before we take another step in the wrong direction.
"At the end of the day, the death penalty is not about those who kill, it is about us," Cushing wrote. "We, as a society, become what we say we abhor, killers. I don't want the state killing in my name."
We strongly agree with Cushing and urge lawmakers not to seek speedy vengeance.
The governor said he followed his conscience. He said he believed in signing the bill he also should "abolish the death penalty for everyone," including those already on death row.
"Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history," Quinn told reporters afterward. “I think it’s the right, just thing to abolish the death penalty.”
Quinn signed the legislation during a private ceremony in his Capitol office surrounded by longtime opponents of capital punishment in a state where flaws in the process led to the exoneration of numerous people sentenced to death.
"For me, this was a difficult decision, quite literally the choice between life and death," Quinn wrote in his signing statement. "This was not a decision to be made lightly, or a decision that I came to without deep personal reflection."
"For the same reason, I have also decided to commute the sentences of those currently on death row to natural life imprisonment, without the possibility of parole or release," the governor wrote.
A small group of lawmakers also was on hand, including lead sponsors Rep. Karen Yarbrough, D-Maywood, and Sen. Kwame Raoul, D-Chicago. Senate President John Cullerton, D-Chicago, and House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie, D-Chicago also attended. Lt. Gov. Sheila Simon, who lobbied Quinn to sign the ban, was there.
The ban comes about 11 years after then-Gov. George Ryan declared a moratorium on executions after 13 condemned inmates were cleared since Illinois reinstated capital punishment in 1977. Ryan, a Republican, cited a Tribune investigative series that examined each of the state's nearly 300 capital cases and exposed how bias, error and incompetence undermined many of them.
Since then, Illinois approved reforms to the capital punishment system, including taping interrogations under a proposal forged by President Barack Obama when he served in the Illinois Senate. Only two days before leaving office in January 2003, Ryan commuted the death sentences of 164 prisoners to life in prison. Quinn and his predecessor, Rod Blagojevich, kept the moratorium in place.
In 1972, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down death penalty statutes in 40 states, including Illinois. Five years later, Illinois reinstated capital punishment, and it has been among the 35 states that currently allow executions. Illinois could join New York, New Jersey and New Mexico, all of which have done away with the death penalty in the last three years.
The death penalty ban would take effect July 1.
Quinn did not have to immediately act on the 15 death row inmates, but chose to commute their sentences to life in prison. Quinn addressed his action during his news conference.
“There are no words in the English language, or any language, to ease your pain,” he said of murder victims’ families who opposed the move. “I want to tell them, it’s impossible, I’m sure, to ever be healed. But we want to tell all of the family members, the family of Illinois…we want to be with you. You’re not alone in your grief.”
One of those whose sentence was commuted is Brian Dugan, sentenced to death for the 1983 rape and murder of 10-year-old Jeanine Nicarico, of Naperville. Dugan had been serving two life sentences for two other rape-murder cases, but his death sentence brought a major chapter of a long-running, controversial case to a close. Rolando Cruz and Alejandro Hernandez — two of three men originally charged with the girl's murder — served years on death row before they were cleared.
As Quinn campaigned for governor last fall, he held firm to the moratorium as a way to see how well the reforms are working. The governor also said he supported the death penalty for the worst crimes.
Today, Quinn offered a different perspective.
"I have found no credible evidence that the death penalty has a deterrent effect on the crime of murder and that the enormous sums expended by the state in maintaining a death penalty system would be better spent on preventing crime and assisting victims' families in overcoming pain and grief," he wrote.
Quinn made his decision after an intense lobbying effort. He said he read the late Cardindal Joseph Bernardin's book, a "Gift of Peace," and also read the Bible as he came to the decision.
"Since the General Assembly passed this bill, I have met or heard from a wide variety of people on both sides of the issue, " Quinn wrote in his signing statement.
"I have talked with prosecutors, judges, elected officialas, religious leaders from around the world, families of murder victims, people on death row who were exonerated and ordinary citizens who have taken the time to share their thoughts with me.
"Their experiences, words and opinions have made a tremendous impact on my thinking, and I thank everyone who reached out on this matter.
"After their guidance, as well as much thought and reflection, I have concluded that our system of imposing the death penalty is inherently flawed."
He said evidence presented him by prosecutors and judges "with decades of experience in the criminal justice system has convinced me that it is impossible to devise a system that is consistent, that is free of discrimination on the basis of race, geography or economic circumstance and that always gets it right."
Cook County State's Attorney Anita Alvarez, Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan and other prosecutors urged Quinn to veto the ban and take a hard-line stance to keep the death penalty.
The governor also heard from anti-death-penalty luminaries including South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Sister Helen Prejean, a New Orleans nun whose time spent with a condemned inmate became the basis for the movie "Dead Man Walking."
Family members of murder victims also made emotional pleas. Among them was Cindy McNamara, whose daughter, Shannon, was murdered in 2001 while attending Eastern Illinois University.
Shannon McNamara was asleep in her locked off-campus apartment when she was raped, strangled, beaten and stabbed. Her body was left in the living room. A washcloth was stuffed in her mouth.
Former EIU student Anthony Mertz was convicted, becoming the first person sent to death row after Ryan emptied it.
"We have the death penalty for a reason," Cindy McNamara wrote in a letter to Quinn. "This is the reason!"
The Tribune examination found at least 46 inmates sent to death row in cases where prosecutors used jailhouse informants to convict or condemn the defendants. The investigation also found at least 33 death row inmates had been represented at trial by an attorney who had been disbarred or suspended; at least 35 African-American inmates on death row who had been convicted or condemned by an all-white jury; and about half of the nearly 300 capital cases had been reversed for a new trial or sentencing hearing.
Like other citizens of our state, our hearts are broken by the inconceivable and monstrous crimes which prompted these bills. We pray for the victims and their families; we honor the bravery and nobility of the police officers; and we, too, seek a just punishment for the guilty. However, we believe that just punishment should not involve the taking of yet another life.
It was surely no accident that “life” was the first of the inalienable rights affirmed by our nation’s Declaration of Independence. The right to life is the foundation of all the human rights we possess. Unfortunately, in our time, the value of human life and human dignity is constantly under attack. During the century we just concluded, we saw war and bloodshed on a scale never before witnessed in human history. We live in a culture where the taking of the most innocent of lives - those of unborn children in the womb - is tolerated, made legal, and even encouraged and a world where the elderly and infirm are subtly encouraged not to be a drain on their families or society.
In the face of all this, it is evident that to restore what Pope John Paul II called a “culture of life,” our society ought to employ the strongest measures available. One of the measures available is the restriction and eventual abolition of the death penalty.
By no means does this assertion of the respect for the life of criminals minimize the requirement that justice be done to them through proportionate punishment, nor does it dissolve the distinction between innocence and guilt. Indeed, the abolition of the death penalty does not jeopardize our state’s ability to protect people from dangerous criminals, as we have available to us the sentence of life without the possibility of parole (which the minority report of the Commission to Study the Death Penalty in New Hampshire referred to as “death by incarceration”). Instead, our state’s refusal to kill capital offenders would be a sign of the state’s confident moral integrity, not of its weakness to govern and protect.
When the state ends a human life although a non-lethal alternative exists, it suggests that society can end violence with more violence. We know that this is not the case. As Pope Benedict XVI has said:
Killing the guilty one is not the way to rebuild justice and reconcile society. On the contrary, there is the risk that the spirit of revenge is fueled and that the seeds of new violence are sown.
We therefore should end the use of the death penalty, not only for what it does to those who are executed, but for what it does to all of society.
By having the courage and rectitude to spare the lives of those who are demonstrably guilty and, instead, imprison them for life, we develop and support a culture appreciative and protective of the value of every human person. By refusing to expand the death penalty in this state, we proclaim a moral goodness that moves beyond the influence of reaction to chilling crimes and toward a civil ethic that respects the intrinsic value of every human person from conception to natural death. For these reasons, HB 147 and HB 162 should not become law.
Finally, in the midst of all our discussion on legislation, let us never fail to express our support for the families and friends of victims of terrible crimes. Let us show our gratitude and appreciation for members of law enforcement who bring criminals to justice. Let us all as, Pope John Paul II challenged, commit to live as “people of life and for life.”The tide continued ebbing on the death penalty this year. States are putting fewer people to death, and juries continue to favor the punishment of life without parole over execution when given the choice. A report released this month by the Death Penalty Information Center counted 46 executions in 2010. That is nearly 12 percent fewer than a year ago, and down sharply from the 85 executions of 2000.
Forty-six state-committed killings are 46 too many, but the drop was even felt in Texas, by far the national leader in executions. It killed 17 prisoners this year, 29 percent fewer than last year. The center, which opposes the death penalty, found that while juries imposed about the same number of death sentences this year as last — 114 in 2010, 112 in 2009 — that rate was still only about half what it was in the 1990s.
The center suggested a number of reasons for the decline, including that prosecutors and the public are grappling with the wrenching problem of innocence. The irreversible punishment of death requires a foolproof justice system, but growing numbers of DNA exonerations in recent years suggest that it is far from that.
What tempers the results is that some of the reluctance had nothing to do with enlightenment. Death rows and executions are expensive, and cash-strapped states seem more willing to investigate alternatives. And executions were postponed or canceled this year in Arkansas, California, Oklahoma, Tennessee and Kentucky simply because of a shortage of a lethal-injection drug.
Still there was good news in 2010. Electoral victories by candidates who oppose the death penalty, like the new governors of California and New York and the re-elected governor of Massachusetts, suggest that it’s not a voters’ litmus test or political third rail.
A judge in a state court in Texas, of all places, granted a hearing this month on whether the state’s capital-punishment law is unconstitutional because of the high risk of executing the innocent. While the hearing has been temporarily halted, prominent former governors, prosecutors and legislators have urged that it continue. And in an essay this month in The New York Review of Books, John Paul Stevens, the retired Supreme Court justice, argued that capital punishment was neither fair nor an effective deterrent.